The Coming Prince
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Appendices |
by Sir Robert Anderson,
K.C.B., LL.D.
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Table of Contents
Appendices
.
.
APPENDIX 1.
CHRONOLOGICAL TREATISE AND TABLES
THE point of contact between sacred and profane chronology, and therefore the
first certain date, in biblical history, is the accession of Nebuchadnezzar to the
throne of Babylon (cf. Daniel 1:1 and Jeremiah 25:1). From this date we reckon
on to Christ and back to Adam. The agreement of leading chronologers is a sufficient
guarantee that David began to reign in B.C. l056-5, and therefore that all dates
subsequent to that event can be definitely fixed. But beyond this epoch, certainty
vanishes.. The marginal dates of our English Bible represent: in the main Archbishop
Ussher's chronology, [*]
and notwithstanding his eminence as a chronologer some of these dates are
doubtful, and others entirely wrong.
Of the doubtful dates in Ussher's scheme the reigns of Belshazzar and "Ahasuerus"
may serve as examples. Belshazzar's case is specially interesting. Scripture plainly
states that he was King of Babylon at its conquest by the Medo-Persians, and that
he was slain the night Darius entered the city. On the other hand, not only does
no ancient historian mention Belshazzar, but all agree that the last king of Babylon
was Nabonidus, who was absent from the city when the Persians captured it, and who
afterwards submitted to the conquerors at Borsippa. Thus the contradiction between
history and Scripture appeared to be absolute. Skeptics appealed to history to discredit
the book of Daniel; and commentators solved or shirked the difficulty by rejecting
history. The cuneiform inscriptions, however, have now settled the controversy in
a manner as satisfactory as it was unexpected. On clay cylinders discovered by Sir
H. Rawlinson at Mughier and other Chaldean sites, Belshazzar (Belsaruzur) is named
by Nabonidus as his eldest son. The inference is obvious, that during the latter
years of his father's reign, Belshazzar was King-Regent in Babylon. According to
Ptolemy's canon Nabonidus reigned seventeen years (from s. c. 555 to B.C. 538), and
Ussher gives these years to Belshazzar.
In common with many other writers, Ussher has assumed that the King of the book of
Esther was Darius Hystaspes, but it is now generally agreed that it is the son and
successor of Darius who is there mentioned as Ahasuerus – "a name which orthographically
corresponds with the Greek Xerxes." [1]
The great durbar of the first chapter of Esther, held in his third
year (ver. 3), was presumably with a view to his expedition against Greece (B.C.
483); and the marriage of Esther was in his seventh year (2:16), having been delayed
till then on account of his absence during the campaign. The marginal dates of the
book of Esther should therefore begin with B.C. 486, instead of B.C. 521, as given
in our English Bibles.
But these are comparatively trivial points, whereas the principal error of Ussher's
chronology is of real importance. According to 1 Kings 6:1, Solomon began to build
the Temple "in the 480th year after the children of Israel were come out of
the land of Egypt." The mystic character of this era of 480 years has been noticed
in an earlier chapter. Ussher assumed that it represented a strictly chronological
period, and reckoning back from the third year of Solomon, he fixed the date of the
Exodus as B.C. 1491, – an error which vitiates his entire system.
Acts 13:18-21, St. Paul, in treating of the interval between the Exodus and the end
of Saul's reign, specifies three several periods; viz., 40 years, about 450
years, and 40 years = 530 years. From the accession of David to the third year of
Solomon, when the temple was founded, was forty-three years. According to this enumeration
therefore, the period between the Exodus and the temple was 530 + 43 years = 573
years. Clinton, however, whose chronology has been very generally adopted, conjectures
that there was an interval of twenty-seven years between the death of Moses and the
first servitude, and an interval of twelve years between "Samuel the prophet"
(1 Samuel 7) and the election of Saul. Accordingly he estimates the period between
the Exodus and the temple as 573 + 27 + 12 years = 612 years. [2]
Clinton's leading dates, therefore, are as follows:--
In this chronology Browne proposes three corrections (Ordo Sec., Ch. 10,
13); viz., he rejects the two conjectural terms of twenty-seven years and twelve
years above noticed; and he adds two years to the period between the Deluge and the
Exodus. If this last correction be adopted (and it is perfectly legitimate, considering
that approximate accuracy is all that the ablest chronologer can claim to
have attained for this era), let three years be added to the period between
the Deluge and the Covenant with Abraham, and the latter event becomes exactly, as
it is in any case approximately, the central epoch between the Creation and the Crucifixion.
The date of the Deluge will thus be put back to B.C. 2485, and therefore the Creation
will be B.C. 4141.
The following most striking features appear in the chronology as thus settled:--
The Covenant here mentioned is that recorded in Genesis 12 in connection with
the call of Abraham. The statements of Scripture relating to this part of the chronology
may seem to need explanation in two respects.
Stephen declares in Acts 7:4 that Abraham's removal from Haran (or Charran) took
place after the death of his father. But Abraham was only seventy-five years
of age when he entered Canaan; whereas if we assume from Genesis 11:26 that Abraham
was born when Terah was but seventy, he must have been one hundred and thirty at
the call, for Terah died at two hundred and five. (Compare Genesis 11:26, 31, 32;
12:4.) The fact however is obvious from these statement that though named first among
the sons of Terah, Abraham was not the firstborn, but the youngest: Terah was seventy
when his eldest son was born, and he had three sons, Haran, Nahor, and Abraham. To
ascertain his age at Abraham's birth we must needs turn to the history, and there
we learn it was one hundred and thirty years. [4]
And this will account for the deference Abraham paid to Lot, who, though his
nephew, was nevertheless his equal in years, possibly his senior; and moreover, as
the son of Abraham's eldest brother, the nominal head of the family. (Genesis 13:8,
9.)
Again. According to Exodus 12:40 "the sojourning of the children of Israel,
who dwelt in Egypt, was 430 years." If this be taken to mean (as the statement
in Genesis 15:13, quoted by Stephen in Acts 7:6, might also seem to imply) that the
Israelites were four centuries in Egypt, the entire chronology must be changed. But,
as St. Paul explains in Galatians 3:17, these 430 years are to be computed from the
call of Abraham, and not from the going down of Israel into Egypt. The statement
in Genesis 15:13 is explained and qualified by the words which follow in ver. 16.
The entire period of Israel's wanderings was to be four centuries, but when the passage
speaks definitely of their sojourn in Egypt it says' "In the fourth generation
they shall come hither again" – a word which was accurately fulfilled, for Moses
was the fourth in descent from Jacob. [5]
It was not till 470 years after the covenant with Abraham that his descendants
took their place as one of the nations of the earth. They were slaves in Egypt, and
in the wilderness they were wanderers; but under Joshua they entered the land of
promise and became a nation. And with this last event begins a series of cycles of
"seventy weeks" of years.
Again the period Between the dedication of the first temple in the eleventh year
of Solomon (B.C. 1066-5) and the dedication of the second temple in the sixth year
of Darius Hystaspes of Persia (B.C. 515), was 490 years. [6]
Are we to conclude that these results are purely accidental? No thoughtful
person will hesitate to accept the more reasonable alternative that the chronology
of the world is part of a Divine plan or "economy of times and seasons."
The chronological inquiry suggested by the data afforded by the books of 2 Kings,
2 Chronicles, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel, is of principal importance, not only
as establishing the absolute accuracy of Scripture, but also because it throws light
upon the main question of the several eras of the captivity, which again are closely
allied with the era of the seventy weeks.
The student of the book of Daniel finds every step beset with difficulties, raised
either by avowed enemies, or quasi expositors of Holy Writ. Even the opening
statement of the book has been assailed on all sides. That Daniel was made captive
in the third year of Jehoiakim "is simply an invention of late Christian days,"
declares the author of Messiah the Prince (p. 42), in keeping with the style
in which this writer disposes of history sacred and profane, in order to support
his own theories.
In Dean Milman's History of the Jews, the page which treats of this epoch is full
of inaccuracies. First he confounds the seventy years of the desolations, predicted
in Jeremiah 25., with the seventy years of the servitude, which had already begun.
Then as the prophecy of Jeremiah 25: was given in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, he
fixes the first capture of Jerusalem in that year, whereas Scripture expressly states
it took place in Jehoiakim's third year (Daniel 1:1). He proceeds to specify B.C.
601 as the year of Nebuchadnezzar's invasion; and here the confusion is hopeless,
as he mentions two periods of three years each between that date and the king's death,
which nevertheless he rightly assigns to the year B.C. 598.
Again, Dr. F. W. Newman's article on the Captivities, in Kitto's Cyclopaedia,
well deserves notice as a specimen of the kind of criticism to be found in standard
books ostensibly designed to aid the study of Scripture.
This writer's conclusions are adopted by Dean Stanley in his Jewish Church
(vol. 2., p. 459), wherein he enumerates among the captives taken with Jehoiachin
in the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar, the prophet Daniel, who had gained a position
at the court of Babylon six years before Jehoiachin came to the throne! (Compare
2 Kings 24:12 with Daniel 2:1.)
A reference to the Five Great Monarchies (vol. 3., pp. 488-494), and the Fasti
Hellenici, will show how thoroughly consistent the sacred history of this period
appears to the mind of a historian or a chronologer; and moreover how completely
it harmonizes with the extant fragments of the history of Berosus.
Jehoiakim did in fact reign eleven years. In his third year he became the vassal
of the King of Babylon. For three years he paid tribute, and in his sixth year he
revolted. There is not a shadow of reason for believing that the first verse of Daniel
is spurious; and apart from all claim to Divine sanction for the book, the idea that
such a writer – a man of princely rank and of the highest culture, (Daniel 1:3, 4.)
and raised to the foremost place among the wise and noble of Babylonia – was ignorant
of the date and circumstances of his own exile, is simply preposterous. But according
to Dr. Newman, he needed to refer to the book of Chronicles for the information,
and was deceived thereby! A comparison of the statements in Kings, Chronicles, and
Daniel clearly establishes that the narratives are independent, each giving details
omitted in the other books. The second verse of Daniel appears inconsistent with
the rest only to a mind capable of supposing that the living king of Judah was placed
as an ornament in the temple of Belus along with the holy vessels; for so Dr. Newman
has read it. And the apparent inconsistency in 2 Chronicles 36:6 disappears when
read with the context, for the eighth verse shows the writer's knowledge that Jehoiakim
completed his reign in Jerusalem. Moreover the correctness of the entire history
is signally established by fixing the chronology of the events, a crucial test of
accuracy.
Jerusalem was first taken by the Chaldeans in the third year of Jehoiakim (Daniel
1:1). His fourth year was current with the first of Nebuchadnezzar (Jeremiah 25:1).
This accords with the deft, the statement of Berosus that Nebuchadnezzar's first
expedition took place before his actual accession (Jos., Apion, 1. 19). According
to the canon of Ptolemy, the accuracy of which has been fully established, the reign
of Nebuchadnezzar dates from B.C. 604, i.e., his accession was in the year
beginning the first Thoth (which fell in January) B.C. 604, and the history leaves
no doubt it was early in that year. But the captivity, according to the era of Ezekiel,
began in Nebuchadnezzar's eighth year (comp. Ezekiel 1:2 and 2 Kings 24:12); and
in the thirty-seventh year of the captivity, Nebuchadnezzar's successor was on the
throne (2 Kings 25:27). This would give Nebuchadnezzar a reign of at least: forty-four
years, whereas according to the Canon (and Berosus confirms it) he reigned only forty-three
years, and was succeeded by Evil-Merodach
(the Iluoradam of the Canon), in B.C. 561.
It follows therefore that Scripture antedates the years of Nebuchadnezzar, computing
his reign from B.C. 605. [7]
This would be sufficiently accounted for by the fact that, from the conquest
of Jerusalem in the third year of Jehoiakim, the Jews acknowledged Nebuchadnezzar
as their suzerain. It has been overlooked, however, that it is in accordance with
the ordinary principle on which they reckoned regnal years, computing them from Nisan
to Nisan. In B.C. 604 the 1st Nisan fell on or about the 1st April, [8] and according to Jewish reckoning, the King's second year
would begin on that day, no matter how recently he had ascended the throne. Therefore
"the fourth year of Jehoiakim that was the first year of Nebuchadnezzar"
(Jeremiah 25:1), was the year beginning Nisan B.C. 605; and the third of Jehoiakim,
in which Jerusalem was taken and the servitude began, was the year beginning Nisan
B.C. 606.
This result is most remarkably confirmed by Clinton, who fixes the summer of B.C.
606 as the date of Nebuchadnezzar's first expedition. [9]
It is further confirmed by, and affords the explanation of a statement of
Daniel, which has been triumphantly appealed to in depreciation of the value of his
book. If, it is urged, the King of Babylon kept Daniel three years in training before
admitting him to his presence, how could the prophet have interpreted the King's
dream in his second year? (Daniel 1:5, 18; 2:1). Daniel, a citizen of Babylon, and
a courtier withal, naturally and of course computed his sovereign's reign according
to the common era in use around him (as Nehemiah afterwards did in like circumstances.)
But as the prophet was exiled in B.C. 606, his three years' probation terminated
at the close of B.C. 603, whereas the second year of Nebuchadnezzar, computed from
his actual accession, extended to some date in the early months of B.C. 602.
Again. The epoch of Jehoiachin's
captivity was in the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings 24:12), i.e.,
his eighth year as reckoned from Nisan.
But the ninth year of the captivity was still current on the tenth Tebeth in the
ninth year of Zedekiah and seventeenth of Nebuchadnezzar (comp. Ezekiel 24:1, 2,
with 2 Kings 25:1-8).
And the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar and
eleventh of Zedekiah, in which Jerusalem was destroyed,
was in part concurrent with the twelfth year of the captivity (comp. 2 Kings 25:2-8
with Ezekiel 33:21).
It follows therefore that Jehoiachin (Jeconiah) must have been taken at the
close of the Jewish year ("when the year was expired," 2 Chronicles
36:10), that is the year preceding 1st Nisan, B.C. 597; and Zedekiah was made king
(after a brief interregnum) early in the year beginning on that day. [10] And it also follows that whether computed according to the
era of Nebuchadnezzar, of Zedekiah, or of the captivity, B.C. 587 was the year in
which "the city was smitten." [11]
The first link in this chain of dates is the third year of Jehoiakim, and
every new link confirms the proof of the correctness and importance of that date.
It has been justly termed the point of contact between sacred and profane history;
and its importance in the sacred chronology is immense on account of its being the
epoch of the servitude of Judah to the King of Babylon.
The servitude must not be confounded with the captivity, as it generally is. It was
rebellion against the Divine decree which entrusted the imperial scepter to Nebuchadnezzar,
that brought on the Jews the further judgment of a national deportation, and the
still more terrible chastisement of the "desolations." The language of
Jeremiah is most definite in this respect. "I have given all these lands into
the hand of Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, my servant." "The nation
which will not serve the same Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, that nation will
I punish, saith the Lord, with the sword, and with the famine, and with the pestilence,
until I have consumed them by his hand." But the nations that bring their neck
under the yoke of the king of Babylon, and serve him, those will I let remain
still in their own land, saith the Lord, and they shall till it and dwell therein"
(Jeremiah 27:6, 8 11; and comp. chap.38:17-21).
The appointed era of this servitude was seventy years, and the twenty-ninth chapter
of Jeremiah was a message of hope to the captivity, that at the expiration of that
period they should return to Jerusalem (ver. 10). The twenty-fifth chapter, oil the
oilier hand, was a prediction for the rebellious Jews who remained in Jerusalem after
the servitude had commenced, warning them that their stubborn disobedience would
bring on them utter destruction, and that for seventy years the whole land should
be "a desolation."
To recapitulate. The thirty-seventh year of the captivity was current on the accession
of Evil-Merodach (2 Kings 25:27), and the epoch of that king's reign was B.C. 561.
Therefore the captivity dated from the year beginning Nisan 598 and ending Adar 597.
But this was the eighth year of Nebuchadnezzar according to Scripture reckoning.
Therefore his first year was Nisan 605 to Nisan 604. The first capture of Jerusalem
and the beginning of the servitude was during the preceding year, 606-605. The final
destruction of the city was in Nebuchadnezzar's nineteenth year, i.e., 587,
and the siege began 10th Tebeth (or about 25th December), 589, which was the epoch
of the desolations. The burning of Jerusalem cannot have been B.C. 588, as given
by Ussher, Prideaux, etc., for in that case [12]
the captivity would have begun B.C. 599, and the thirty-seventh year would
have ended before the accession of Evil-Merodach. Nor can it have been B.C. 586,
as given by Jackson, Hales, etc., for then the thirty-seventh year would not have
begun during Evil-Merodach's first year. [13]
This scheme is practically the same as Clinton's, [14] and the sanction of his name may be claimed for it, for it
differs from his only in that he dates Jehoiakim's reign from August B.C.
609, and Zedekiah's from June B.C. 598, his attention not having been called
to the Jewish practice of computing reigns from Nisan; whereas I have fixed
Nisan B.C. 608 as the epoch of Jehoiakim's reign, and Nisan B.C. 597 for Zedekiah's.
Not of course that Nisan was in fact the month-date of the accession, but that, according
to the rule of the Mishna and the practice of the nation, the reign was so
reckoned. Jehoiakim's date could not be Nisan B.C. 609, because his fourth
year was also the first of Nebuchadnezzar, and the thirty-seventh year, reckoned
from the eighth of Nebuchadnezzar, was the first of Evil-Merodach, i.e., B.C.
561, which date fixes the whole chronology as Clinton himself conclusively argues.
[15] It follows from this
also that: Zedekiah's date must be B.C. 597, and not 598.
The chronology adopted by Dr. Pusey [16]
is essentially the same as Clinton's. The scheme here proposed differs from
it only to the extent and on the grounds above indicated. His suggestion: that the
fast proclaimed in the fifth year of Jehoiakim (Jeremiah 36:9.) referred to the capture
of Jerusalem in his third year, is not improbable, and points to Chisleu (Nov.) B.C.
606 as the date of that event. For the reasons above stated, it could not have been
B.C. 607, as Dr. Pusey supposes, and the same argument proves that Canon Rawlinson's
date for Nebuchadnezzar's expedition (B.C. 605) is a year too late. [17]
The correctness of this scheme will, I presume, be admitted, as regards the
cardinal point of difference between it and Clinton's chronology, namely, that the
reigns of the Jewish kings are reckoned from Nisan. It remains to notice the points
of difference between the results here offered and Browne's hypotheses (Orda Saec.,
Ch. 162-169). He arbitrarily assumes that Jehoiachin's captivity and Zedekiah's reign
began on the same day. This leads him to assume further (1) that they were
reckoned from the same day, viz., the 1st Nisan, and (2) that Nebuchadnezzar's
royal years dated from some date between 1st Nisan and 10 Ab 606 (Ch. 166).
Both these positions are untenable. (1) The Jews certainly reckoned the reigns of
their kings from 1st Nisan, but there is no proof that they so reckoned the years
of ordinary periods or eras such as the captivity. (2) The presumption is strong,
confirmed by all the synchronisms of the chronology, that they computed Nebuchadnezzar's
royal era either according to the Chaldean reckoning, as in Daniel, or according
to their own system, as in the other books.
TABLE #1-- CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
The following table will show at a glance the several eras of the servitude to
Babylon, king Jehoiachin's captivity, and the desolations of Jerusalem.
In using the table it is essential to bear in mind two points already stated.
If these points be kept in view the chronology of the table will be found to harmonize
every chronological statement relating to the period embraced in it, contained
in the Books of Kings, Chronicles, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel.
|
|
||||||
|
Jewish Year* |
Kings of Babylon |
Kings of Judah |
Era of the Servitude |
Era of the Captivity |
|
Events and Remarks |
|
B.C. |
20th year of Nabopolassar |
3rd year of Jehoiakim (Eliakim) |
1 |
- |
- |
The 3rd year of Jehoiakim, from 1st Nisan, 606, to 1st Nisan, 605. Jerusalemtaken by Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. i. 1, 2), see p. 231, ante. With this event the servitude to Babylon began, 490 years (or 70 weeks of years) after the establishment of the Kingdom under Saul. "The 4th year of Jehoiakim, that was the 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar," i.e., the year beginning 1st Nisan, 605 (Jer. xxv. 1). |
|
605 |
Nebuchad |
4 |
2 |
- |
- |
|
|
604 |
2 |
5 |
3 |
- |
- |
Vision of the great image (Dan. ii). |
|
603 |
3 |
6 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
|
602 |
4 |
7 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
|
601 |
5 |
8 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
|
600 |
6 |
9 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
|
599 |
7 |
10 |
8 |
- |
- |
- |
|
598 |
8 |
11 |
9 |
1 |
- |
This year included the 3 months' reign of Jehoiachin (Jeconiah), whose captivity began in the 8th year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings xxiv. 12, see pp. 234, 236, ante). |
|
3 months of Jehoiachin |
||||||
|
597 |
9 |
Zedekiah |
10 |
2 |
- |
Reigned 11 years (2 Kings xxiv. 18). |
|
596 |
10 |
2 |
11 |
3 |
- |
- |
|
595 |
11 |
3 |
12 |
4 |
- |
- |
|
594 |
12 |
4 |
13 |
5 |
- |
Ezekiel began to prophesy in the 30th year from Josiah's Passover (2 Kings xxiii. 23), and the 5th year of the captivity (Ezek. i. 1,2.) |
|
593 |
13 |
5 |
14 |
6 |
- |
- |
|
592 |
14 |
6 |
15 |
7 |
- |
- |
|
591 |
15 |
7 |
16 |
8 |
- |
- |
|
590 |
16 |
8 |
17 |
9 |
- |
- |
|
589 |
17 |
9 |
18 |
10 |
1 |
Jerusalem invested for the third time by Nebuchadnezzar, on the 10th day of Tebeth-- "the fast of Tebeth,"-- the epoch of the "Desolations" (see pp. 69, 70, ante). |
|
588 |
18 |
10 |
19 |
11 |
2 |
"The 10th year of Zedekiah, which was the 18th year of Nebuchadnezzar" (Jer. xxxii. 1). |
|
587 |
19 |
11 |
20 |
12 |
3 |
Jerusalem taken on the 9th day of the 4th month, and burnt on the 7th day of the 5th month in the 11th year of Zedekiah, and the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings xxv. 2,3,8,9, see p. 234, ante), called "The 12th year of our Captivity" in Ezek. xxxiii. 21, the news having reached the exiles on the 5th day of the 10th month. |
|
586 |
20 |
- |
21 |
13 |
4 |
- |
|
585 |
21 |
- |
22 |
14 |
5 |
- |
|
584 |
22 |
- |
23 |
15 |
6 |
- |
|
583 |
23 |
- |
24 |
16 |
7 |
- |
|
582 |
24 |
- |
25 |
17 |
8 |
- |
|
581 |
25 |
- |
26 |
18 |
9 |
- |
|
580 |
26 |
- |
27 |
19 |
10 |
- |
|
579 |
27 |
28 |
20 |
11 |
- |
- |
|
578 |
28 |
29 |
21 |
12 |
- |
- |
|
577 |
29 |
30 |
22 |
13 |
- |
- |
|
576 |
30 |
31 |
23 |
14 |
- |
- |
|
575 |
31 |
32 |
24 |
15 |
- |
- |
|
574 |
32 |
33 |
25 |
16 |
- |
The 25th year of the Captivity was the 14th (inclusive, as the Jews usually reckoned) from the destruction of Jerusalem (Ezek. xl. 1). |
|
573 |
33 |
34 |
26 |
17 |
- |
- |
|
572 |
34 |
35 |
27 |
18 |
- |
- |
|
571 |
35 |
36 |
28 |
19 |
- |
- |
|
570 |
36 |
37 |
29 |
20 |
- |
- |
|
569 |
37 |
38 |
30 |
21 |
- |
- |
|
568 |
38 |
39 |
31 |
22 |
- |
- |
|
567 |
39 |
40 |
32 |
23 |
- |
- |
|
566 |
40 |
41 |
33 |
24 |
- |
- |
|
565 |
41 |
42 |
34 |
25 |
- |
- |
|
564 |
42 |
43 |
35 |
26 |
- |
- |
|
563 |
43 |
44 |
36 |
27 |
- |
- |
|
562 |
44 |
45 |
37 |
28 |
- |
According to the Canon, the accession of Iluoradam (Evil-Merodach) was in the year beginning 1st Thoth (11th Jan.) B.C. 561, (see p. 232, ante). But the year 562 in this table is the Jewish year, i.e., the year preceding 1st Nisan (or about 5th April 561, and the 37th year of Jehoiachin's captivity was current till towards the close of that year. In this year Jehoiachin was "brought forth out of prison." (Jer. lii. 31). |
|
561 |
Evil-Merodach |
46 |
38 |
29 |
- |
- |
|
560 |
2 |
47 |
39 |
30 |
- |
- |
|
559 |
Neriglissar or Nergalsherezer |
48 |
40 |
31 |
- |
- |
|
558 |
2 |
- |
49 |
41 |
32 |
- |
|
557 |
3 |
- |
50 |
42 |
33 |
- |
|
556 |
4 |
- |
51 |
43 |
34 |
- |
|
555 |
Nabonidus |
- |
52 |
44 |
35 |
The Nabonadius of the Canon is called Nabunnahit in the Inscriptions, and Labynetus by Herodotus. |
|
554 |
2 |
- |
53 |
45 |
36 |
- |
|
553 |
3 |
- |
54 |
46 |
37 |
- |
|
552 |
4 |
- |
55 |
47 |
38 |
- |
|
551 |
5 |
- |
56 |
48 |
39 |
- |
|
550 |
6 |
- |
57 |
49 |
40 |
- |
|
549 |
7 |
- |
58 |
50 |
41 |
- |
|
548 |
8 |
- |
59 |
51 |
42 |
- |
|
547 |
9 |
- |
60 |
52 |
43 |
- |
|
546 |
10 |
- |
61 |
53 |
44 |
- |
|
545 |
11 |
- |
62 |
54 |
45 |
- |
|
544 |
12 |
- |
63 |
55 |
46 |
- |
|
543 |
13 |
- |
64 |
56 |
47 |
- |
|
542 |
14 |
- |
65 |
57 |
48 |
- |
|
541 |
15 |
- |
66 |
58 |
49 |
In or before this year, Belshazzar (the Belsaruzur of the Inscriptions) became regent in the lifetime of his father, Nabonadius. Daniel's vision of the Four Beasts was in the 1st year, and his vision of the Ram and the Goat was in the 3rd year of Belshazzar (Dan. vii., viii.). |
|
540 |
16 |
- |
67 |
59 |
50 |
- |
|
539 |
17 |
- |
68 |
60 |
51 |
- |
|
538 |
Darius (the Mede) |
- |
69 |
61 |
52 |
Babylon taken by Cyrus. Daniel's vision of the 70 weeks was in this year. |
|
537 |
2 |
- |
70 |
62 |
53 |
- |
|
536 |
Cyrus |
- |
- |
- |
54 |
Decree of Cyrus authorizing the Jews to return to Jerusalem: end of the Servitude. (N.B. The 70th year of the Servitude was current till the 1st Nisan, 536.) |
|
535 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
55 |
- |
|
534 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
56 |
Year of Daniel's last vision (Dan. x.-xii.). |
|
533 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
57 |
- |
|
532 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
58 |
- |
|
531 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
59 |
- |
|
530 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
60 |
- |
|
529 |
Cambyses |
- |
- |
- |
61 |
- |
|
528 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
62 |
- |
|
527 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
63 |
- |
|
526 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
64 |
- |
|
525 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
65 |
- |
|
524 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
66 |
- |
|
523 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
67 |
- |
|
522 |
8 |
- |
- |
- |
68 |
- |
|
521 |
Darius I |
- |
- |
- |
69 |
Darius Hystaspes (p. 57, ante). |
|
520 |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
70 |
End of the Desolations. The foundation of the Second Temple was laid on the 24th day of the 9th month in the 2nd year of Darius (Hag. ii. 18, see p. 70, ante). |
|
519 |
3 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
518 |
4 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
517 |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
- |
|
516 |
6 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
The Temple was finished on the 3rd day of Adar in the 6th year of Darius (Ezra vi. 15). |
|
515 |
7 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
The Temple was dedicated at the Passover in Nisan 515 (Ezra vi. 15-22), 490 years after the dedication of Solomon's temple (B.C. 1005), and 70 years before the date of the edict to build the city (see p. 66, ante). |
| BC | ||
| 4141* Adam – The Creation | ||
| to | = 1656 yrs | |
| 2485* Noah – The Flood |
+ |
= 2086 yrs |
| to | = 430 yrs | |
| 2055 Abraham – The Covenant** | ||
| to | = 430 yrs | |
| 1625 Moses – The Law |
+ |
= 2086 yrs |
| to | = 1656 yrs | |
| AD 32*** Christ – The Crucifixion |
TABLE #3-- CERTAIN LEADING DATES
IN HISTORY, SACRED AND PROFANE [19]
.
.
TABLE #4-- THE JEWISH MONTHS
Nisan, or Abib ... March – April.
Zif, or Iyar ... April – May.
Sivan ... May – June.
Tammuz ... June – July.
Ab ... July – August.
Elul ... August – September.
Tisri, or Ethanim ... September – October.
Bul, or Marchesvan ... October – November.
Chisleu ... November – December
Tebeth ... December – January
Sebat ... January – February
Adar ... February – March
Ve-Adar (the intercalary month).
Full information on the subject of the present "Hebrew Calendar" will be
found in an article so entitled in Encyc. Brit. (9th ed.), and also in Lindo's
Jewish Calendar, a Jewish work. The Mishna is the earliest work relating
to it.
APPENDIX 2. Back to
Top
MISCELLANEOUS: WHO AND WHEN
NOTE A
ARTAXERXES LONGIMANUS AND THE CHRONOLOGY OF HIS REIGN
So thorough is the unanimity with which the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah is now admitted
to be Longimanus, that it is no longer necessary to offer proof of it. Josephus indeed
attributes these events to Xerxes, but his history of the reigns of Xerxes and Artaxerxes
is so hopelessly in error as to be utterly worthless. In fact he transposes the events
of these respective reigns (see, Ant. 11., caps 5: and 7.) Nehemiah's master
reigned not less than thirty-two years (Nehemiah 13:6); and his reign was subsequent
to that of Darius Hystaspes (comp. Ezra 6:1 and 7:1), and prior to that of Darius
Nothus (Nehemiah 12:22). He must, therefore, be either Longimanus or Mnemon, for
no other king after Darius Hystaspes reigned thirty-two years, and it is certain
Nehemiah's mission was not so late as the twentieth of Artaxerxes Mnemon, viz., B.C.
385.
This appears, first, from the general tenor of the history; second, because this
date is later than that of Malachi, whose prophecy must have been considerably later
than the time of Nehemiah; and third, because Eliashib, who was high priest when
Nehemiah came to Jerusalem, was grandson of Jeshua, who was high priest in the first
year of Cyrus (Nehemiah 3:1; 12:10; Ezra 2:2; 3:2); and from the first year of Cyrus
(B.C. 536), to the twentieth of Artaxerxes Longimanus (B.C. 445), was ninety-one
years, leaving room for precisely three generations. [1]
Moreover, the eleventh chapter of Daniel, if read aright, affords conclusive
proof that the prophetic era dated from the time of Longimanus. The second verse
is generally interpreted as though it were but a disconnected fragment of history,
leaving a gap of over 130 years between it and the third verse, whereas the chapter
is a consecutive prediction of events within the period of the seventy weeks.
There were to be yet (i.e., after the issuing of the decree to build Jerusalem)
"three kings in Persia." These were Darius Nothus (mentioned in Nehemiah
12:22), Artaxerxes Mnemon, and Ochus; the brief reigns of Xerxes II., Sogdianus,
and Arogus being overlooked as being, what in fact they were, utterly unimportant.
and indeed two of them are omitted in the Canon of Ptolemy. "The fourth"
(and last) king was Darius Codomanus, whose fabulous wealth – the accumulated
horde of two centuries – attracted the cupidity of the Greeks. What sums of money
Alexander found in Susa is unknown, but the silver ingots and Hermione purple he
seized after the battle of Arbela were worth over [2] £ 20, 000, 000. Verse 2 thus reaches to the close of
the Persian Empire; verse 3 predicts the rise of Alexander the Great; and verse 4
refers to the division of his kingdom among his four generals.
According to Clinton (F. H., vol. 2., p. 380) the death of Xerxes was in July B.C.
465, and the accession of Artaxerxes was in February B.C. 464. Artaxerxes of course
ignored the usurper's reign, which intervened, and reckoned his own reign from the
day of his father's death. Again, of course, Nehemiah, being an officer of the court,
followed the same reckoning. Had he computed his master's reign from February 464,
Chisleu and Nisan could not have fallen in the same regnal year (Nehemiah 1:1; 2:1).
No more could they, had be, according to the Jewish practice, computed it from Nisan.
Dr. Pusey here remarks, [3]
This is altogether a mistake. As already mentioned, Chisleu and Nisan fell in
the same regnal year; and so also did Nisan and the first day of Ab (Ezra
7:8, 9). But the 1st Ab of B.C. 459 (the seventh year of Artaxerxes) fell on or about
the 16th July, and therefore the passages quoted are perfectly consistent with the
received chronology, and serve merely to enable us to fix the dates more accurately
still, and to decide that the death of Xerxes and the epoch of the reign of Artaxerxes
should be assigned to the latter part of July B.C. 465.
Those who are not versed in what writers on prophecy have written on this subject,
will be surprised to learn that this date is assailed as being nine years too late.
All chronologers are agreed that Xerxes began to reign in B.C. 485, and that the
death of Artaxerxes was in B.C. 423; and so far as I know, no writer of repute, unbiased
by prophetic study, assigns as the epoch of the latter king's reign any other date
than B.C. 465 [4] (or 464; see ante).
This is the date according to the Canon of Ptolemy, which has been followed by all
historians; and it is confirmed by the independent testimony of Julius Africanus,
who, in his Chronagraphy, [5]
describes the twentieth year of Artaxerxes as the 115th year of the Persian
Empire [reckoned from Cyrus, B.C. 559] and the fourth year of the eighty-third Olympiad.
This fixes B.C. 464 as the first year of that king, as it was in fact the year of
his actual accession.
It was Archbishop Ussher who first raised a doubt upon the point. Lecturing on "Daniel's
Seventies" [6]
in Trinity College, Dublin, in the year 1613, difficulties connected with
his subject suggested an inquiry which led him ultimately to put back the reign of
Longimanus to B.C. 474, which is the date given in his Annales Vet. Test.
The same date was afterwards adopted by Vitringa, and a century later by Kruger.
But Hengstenberg is regarded as the champion of this view, and the treatise thereon
in his Chronology [7]
omits nothing that can be urged in its favor.
The objections raised to the received chronology depend mainly on the statement of
Thucydides