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The Coming Prince
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Prefaces to the Tenth |
by Sir Robert Anderson,
K.C.B., LL.D.
WStS Note: These Prefaces to the Tenth and Fifth Editions are
placed at the end of the book, for continuity's sake, in the belief that the reader
will be better introduced to "The Coming Prince" by Anderson's initial
remarks in Chapter 1.
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PREFACE TO THE TENTH EDITION
THE COMING PRINCE has been out of print for more than a year; for it
seemed inadvisable to reissue it during the War. But the War has apparently created
an increased interest in the prophecies of Daniel; and as this book is therefore
in demand, it has been decided to publish a new edition without further delay. Not
that these pages contain any sensational "Armageddon" theories. For "a
place called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon" is situated neither in France
nor in Flanders, but in Palestine; and the future of the land and people of the covenant
will be a main issue in the great battle which is yet to be fought on that historic
plain.
Prophetic students are apt to become adherents of one or other of two rival schools
of interpretation. The teaching of the "futurists" suggests that this Christian
dispensation is altogether a blank in the Divine scheme of prophecy. And the "historicists"
discredit Scripture by frittering away the meaning of plain words in order to find
the fulfillment of them in history. Avoiding the errors of both these schools, this
volume is written in the spirit of Lord Bacon's dictum, that "Divine prophecies
have springing and germinant accomplishment throughout many ages, though the height
or fullness of them may belong to some one age." And this world war is no doubt
within the scope of prophecy, though it be not the fulfillment of any special Scripture.
Very many years ago my attention was directed to a volume of sermons by a devout
Jewish Rabbi of the London Synagogue, in which he sought to discredit the Christian
interpretation of certain Messianic prophecies. And in dealing with Daniel 9., he
accused Christian expositors of tampering, not only with chronology, but with Scripture,
in their efforts to apply the prophecy of the Seventy Weeks to the Nazarene. My indignation
at such a charge gave place to distress when the course of study to which it led
me brought proof that it was by no means a baseless libel. My faith in the Book of
Daniel, already disturbed by the German infidel crusade of "the Higher Criticism,"
was thus further undermined. And I decided to take up the study of the subject with
a fixed determination to accept without reserve not only the language of Scripture,
but the standard dates of history as settled by our best modern chronologists. [1]
The following is a brief summary of the results of my inquiry as regards the
great prophecy of the "Seventy Weeks." I began with the assumption, based
on the perusal of many standard works, that the era in question had reference to
the seventy years of the Captivity of Judah, and that it was to end with the Coming
of Messiah. But I soon made the startling discovery that this was quite erroneous.
For the Captivity lasted only sixty-two years; and the seventy weeks related to the
wholly different judgment of the Desolations of Jerusalem. And further, the period
"unto Messiah the Prince," as Daniel 9:25 so plainly states, was not seventy
weeks, but 7+62 weeks.
The failure to distinguish between the several judgments of the Servitude, the Captivity
and the Desolations, is a fruitful source of error in the study of Daniel and the
historical books of Scripture. And it is strange that the distinction should be ignored
not only by the Critics, but by Christians. Because of national sin, Judah was brought
under servitude to Babylon for seventy years, this was in the third year of King
Jehoiakim (B.C. 606). But the people continued obdurate; and in B.C. 598 the far
severer judgment of the Captivity fell on them. On the former capture of Jerusalem,
Nebuchadnezzar left the city and people undisturbed, his only prisoners being Daniel
and other cadets of the royal house. But on this second occasion he deported the
mass of the inhabitants to Chaldea. The Jews still remained impenitent, however,
in spite of Divine warnings by the mouth of Jeremiah in Jerusalem and Ezekiel among
the exiles; and after the lapse of another nine years, God brought upon them the
terrible judgment of "The Desolations," which was decreed to last for seventy
years. Accordingly in B.C. 589, the Babylonian armies again invaded Judea, and the
city was devastated and burned.
Now both the "Servitude" and the "Captivity," ended with the
decree of Cyrus in B.C. 536, permitting the return of the exiles. But as the language
of Daniel 9:2 so plainly states, it was the seventy years of "The Desolations"
that were the basis of the prophecy of the seventy weeks. And the epoch of that seventy
years was the day on which Jerusalem was invested — the tenth Tebeth in the ninth
year of Zedekiah — a day that has ever since been observed as a fast by the Jews
in every land. (2 Kings 25:1.) Daniel and Revelation definitely indicate that the
prophetic year is one of 360 days. Such moreover was the sacred year of the Jewish
calendar; and, as is well known, such was the ancient year of Eastern nations. Now
seventy years of 360 days contains exactly 25, 200 days; and as the Jewish New Year's
day depended on the equinoctial moon, we can assign the 13th December as "the
Julian date" of tenth Tebeth 589. And 25, 200 days measured from that date ended
on the 17th December 520, which was the twenty-fourth day of the ninth month in the
second year of Darius of Persia — -the very day on which the foundation of the second
Temple was laid. (Haggai 2:18, 19.)
Here is something to set both critics and Christians thinking. A decree of a Persian
king was deemed to be divine, and any attempt to thwart it was usually met by prompt
and drastic punishment; and yet the decree directing the rebuilding of the Temple,
issued by King Cyrus in the zenith of his power, was thwarted for seventeen years
by petty local governors. How was this? The explanation is that until the very last
day of the seventy years of "the Desolations" had expired, God would not
permit one stone to be laid upon another on Mount Moriah.
Dismissing from our minds, therefore, all mere theories on this subject, we
arrive at the following definitely ascertained facts:
And here again we must keep to Scripture. Though God has nowhere recorded the
Bethlehem birth-date of Christ, no date in history, sacred or profane, is fixed with
greater definiteness than that of the year in which the Lord began His public ministry.
I refer of course to Luke 3:1, 2. I say this emphatically, because Christian expositors
have persistently sought to set up a fictitious date for the reign of Tiberias. The
first Passover of the Lord's ministry, therefore, was in Nisan A.D. 29; and we can
fix the date of the Passion with absolute certainty as Nisan A.D. 32. If Jewish or
infidel writers set themselves to confuse and corrupt the chronology of these periods,
we would not be surprised. But it is to Christian expositors that we owe this evil
work. Happily, however, we can appeal to the labors of secular historians and chronologists
for proofs of the divine accuracy of Holy Scripture.
The general attack upon the Book of Daniel, briefly discussed in the "Preface
to the Fifth Edition," is dealt with more fully in the 1902 reissue of Daniel
in the Critics' Den. The reader will there find an answer to the attack of the
Higher Criticism on Daniel based on philology and history; and he will find also
that the Critics are refuted by their own admissions respecting the Canon of the
Old Testament.
Most of the "historical errors" in Daniel, which Professor Driver copied
from Bertholdt's work of a century ago, have been disposed of by the erudition and
research of our own day. But, when writing on the subject, I recognized that the
identity of Darius the Mede was still a difficulty. Since then, however, I have found
a solution of that difficulty in a verse in Ezra, hitherto used only by Voltaire
and others to discredit Scripture. Ezra 5 tells us that in the reign of Darius Hystaspis
the Jews petitioned the throne, appealing to the decree by which Cyrus had authorized
the rebuilding of the Temple. The wording of the petition clearly indicates that,
to the knowledge of the Jewish leaders, that decree had been filed in the house of
the archives in Babylon. But the search there made for it proved fruitless, and it
was ultimately found at Ecbatana (or Achmetha: Ezra 6:2). How then could such a State
paper have been transferred to the Median capital?
The only reasonable explanation of this extraordinary fact completes the circle of
proof that the vassal king whom Daniel calls Darius the Mede was Gobryas (or Gubaru),
who led the army of Cyrus to Babylon. As various writers have noticed, the testimony
of the inscriptions points to that conclusion. For example, the Annalistic tablet
of Cyrus records that, after the taking of the city, it was Gobryas who appointed
the governors or prefects; which appointments Daniel states were made by Darius.
The fact that he was a prince of the royal house of Media, and presumably well known
to Cyrus, who had resided at the Median Court, would account for his being held in
such high honor. He it was who governed Media as Viceroy when that country was reduced
to the status of a province; and to any one accustomed to deal with evidence, the
inference will seem natural that, for some reason or other, he was sent back to his
provincial throne, and that, in returning to Ecbatana he carried with him the archives
of his brief reign in Babylon. In the interval between the accession of Cyrus and
that of Darius Hystaspis, the Temple decree may well have been forgotten by all but
the Jews themselves. And although it was a serious matter to thwart the execution
of an order issued by the king of Persia (Ezra 6:11), yet in this instance, as already
noticed, a Divine decree overruled the decree of Cyrus, and vetoed their taking action
upon it.
The elucidation of the vision of the Seventy Weeks, as unfolded in the following
pages, is my personal contribution to the Daniel controversy. And as the searching
criticism to which it has been subjected has failed to detect in it an error or a
flaw, [2] it may now be accepted
without hesitation or reserve. The only disparaging comment which Professor Driver
could offer upon it in his Book of Daniel was that it is a revival in a slightly
modified form" of the scheme of Julius Africanus, and that it leaves the seventieth
week "unexplained." But surely the fact that my scheme is on the same lines
as that of "the father of Christian Chronologists" creates a very strong
presumption in its favor. And so far from leaving the seventieth week unexplained,
I have dealt with it in accordance with the beliefs of the early Fathers. For they
regarded that week as future, seeing that they looked for the Antichrist of Scripture—
"an individual person, the incarnation and concentration of sin." [3]
— R. A.
PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION
A DEFENSE OF THE BOOK OF DANIEL AGAINST THE "HIGHER CRITICISM."
This volume has been disparaged in some quarters because, it is alleged, it
ignores the destructive criticism which is supposed to have led "all people
of discernment" to abandon belief in the visions of Daniel.
The charge is not altogether just. Not only are some of the chief objections of the
critics answered in these pages, but in proving the genuineness of the great central
prophecy of the book, the authenticity of the whole is established, And the absence
of a special chapter upon the subject may be explained. The practice, too common
in religious controversy, of giving an ex parte representation of the views
of opponents, instead of accepting their own statement of them, is never satisfactory,
and seldom fair. And no treatise was available on the critics' side, concise enough
to afford the basis of a brief excursus, and yet sufficiently full and authoritative
to warrant its being accepted as adequate.
This want, however, has since been supplied by Professor Driver's Introduction
to the Literature of the Old Testament, [1]
a work which embodies the results of the so-called "Higher Criticism,"
as accepted by the sober judgment of the author. While avoiding the malignant extravagance
of the German rationalists and their English imitators, he omits nothing which erudition
can with fairness urge against the authenticity of the Book of Daniel. And if the
hostile arguments he adduces can be shown to be faulty and inconclusive, the reader
may fearlessly accept the result as an "end of controversy" upon the subject.
[2]
Here is the thesis which the author sets himself to establish:
"In face of the facts presented by the Book of Daniel, the opinion that it is
the work of Daniel himself cannot be sustained. Internal evidence shows, with a cogency
that cannot be resisted, that it must have been written not earlier than c. 300 B.C.,
and in Palestine; and it is at least probable that it was composed under the persecution
of Antiochus Epiphanes, B.C. 168 or 167."
Professor Driver marshals his proofs under three heads:
(1) facts of a historical nature;
(2) the evidence of the language of Daniel; and
(3) the theology of the Book.
Under (1) he enumerates the following points:
I dismiss (f) and (h) at once, for the author himself, with his usual fairness,
declines to press them. "They should," he admits, "be used with reserve."
The mention of "Darius the Mede" is perhaps the greatest difficulty which
confronts the student of Daniel, and the problem it involves still awaits solution.
The unqualified rejection of the narrative by many eminent writers only proves the
incapacity even of scholars of repute to suspend their judgment upon questions of
the kind. The history of that age is too uncertain and confused to justify dogmatism,
and, as Professor Driver justly remarks, "a cautious criticism will not build
too much on the silence of the inscriptions, where many certainly remain to be brought
to light". In Mr. Sayce's recent work [3]
this caution is neglected. He accepts, moreover, with a faith which is unduly
simple, all that Cyrus says about himself. It was obviously his interest to represent
the acquisition of Babylonia as a peaceful revolution, and not a military conquest.
But the Book of Daniel does not conflict with either hypothesis. Mr. Sayce here "reads
into it," as is so constantly done, what it in no way states or even implies.
There is not a word about a siege or a capture. Belshazzar was "slain,"
and Darius "received" the kingdom; but how these events came about we must
learn from other sources. Professor Driver here admits in express terms "that
'Darius the Mede' may prove, after all, to have been a historical character";
[4] and this is enough for
our present purpose.
The remaining points I proceed to discuss seriatim.
(a) This is rightly placed first, as being the most
important. But its apparent importance grows less and less the more closely it is
examined. Our English Bible, following the Vulgate, divides the Old Testament into
thirty-nine books. The Jewish Canon reckoned only twenty-four. These were classified
under three heads — the Torah, the Neveeim, and the Kethuvim (the
Law, the Prophets, and the Other Writings). The first contained the Pentateuch. The
second contained eight books, which were again classified in two groups. The first
four — viz., Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings — were called the "Former Prophets";
and the second four — viz., Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and "the Twelve"
(i.e. the minor prophets reckoned as one book) — were called the "Latter
Prophets." The third division contained eleven books — viz., Psalms, Proverbs,
Job, Song of Songs, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra and Nehemiah
(reckoned as one), and Chronicles. Now, an examination of this list makes either
of two conclusions irresistible. Either the Canon was arranged under Divine guidance,
or else the classification of the books between the second and third divisions was
an arbitrary one. If any one adopts the former alternative, the inclusion of Daniel
in the Canon is decisive of the whole question. If, on the other hand, it be assumed
that the arrangement was human and arbitrary, the fact that Daniel is in the third
group proves — not that the book was regarded as of doubtful repute, for in that
case it would have been excluded from the Canon, but that the great exile of the
Captivity was not regarded as a "prophet."
To the superficial this may seem to be giving up the whole case. But using the word
"prophet" in its ordinary acceptation, Daniel has no claim whatever to
the title, and but for Matthew 24:15 it would probably never have been applied to
him. His visions have their New Testament counterpart, but yet no one speaks of "the
prophet John." According to 2 Peter 1:21 the prophets "spake as they were
moved by the Holy Ghost." This characterized the utterances of Isaiah, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, and "the Twelve." They were the words of Jehovah by the mouth
of the men who uttered them. The prophets stood apart from the people as witnesses
for God; but Daniel's position and ministry were wholly different. "Neither
have we hearkened unto Thy servants the prophets which spake in Thy name": such
was his humble attitude. Higher criticism may slight the distinction here insisted
on; but the question is how it was regarded by the men who settled the Canon; and
in their judgment its importance was immense. Daniel contains the record, not of
God-breathed words uttered by the seer, but of the words spoken to him,
and of dreams and visions accorded him. And the visions of the latter half of his
book were granted him after more than sixty years spent in statecraft — years the
record of which would fix his fame in the popular mind as statesman and ruler.
The reader will thus recognize that the position of Daniel in the Canon is precisely
where we should expect to find it. The critic speaks of it as being "in the
miscellaneous collection of writings called the Hagiographa, and among the
latest of these, in proximity to Esther." But, in adopting this from earlier
writers, the author is guilty of what may be described as unintentional dishonesty.
Daniel comes before Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles in a group of books which includes
the Psalms — those Psalms than which no part of their Canon was prized more highly
by the Jews — those Psalms, many of which they rightly regarded as prophetic in the
highest and strictest sense. [5]
But Daniel, we are told, was placed "in proximity to Esther." What
does the critic mean by this? He cannot wish to suggest that Esther is held in low
repute by the Jews, for he himself declares that it came to be "ranked by them
as superior both to the writings of the prophets and to all other parts of the Hagiographa."
As to Esther coming before Daniel, he cannot have overlooked that it is bracketed
in the Canon with the four books which precede it — the Megilloth. He cannot
mean to imply that the books of the Kethuvim are arranged chronologically;
and he certainly cannot wish to create an ignorant prejudice. The statement therefore
is an enigma, and the discussion under this head may be dosed by the general remark
that (a) implies that the Jews esteemed the books in
the third division of their Canon as less sacred than "the prophets." But
this is wholly baseless. In common with the rest, they were, as Josephus tells us,
"justly believed to be Divine, so that, rather than speak against them, they
were ready to suffer torture, or even death." [6]
(b) But little need be said in answer to this. Canon
Driver admits that the argument is one "which, standing alone, it would be hazardous
to press," and this is precisely its position if (a) be refuted. If it were
a question of the omission of Daniel's name from a formal list of the prophets everything
above urged would apply here with equal force; but the reader must not suppose that
the son of Sirach gives any list of the kind. The facts are these. The Apocryphal
Book of Ecclesiasticus, which is here referred to, ends with a rhapsody in praise
of "famous men." This panegyric, it is true, omits the name of Daniel.
But in what connection would his name be included? Daniel was exiled to Babylon in
early youth, and never spent a single day of his long life among his people, never
was openly associated with them in their struggles or their sorrows. The critic,
moreover, fails to notice that the Son of Sirach ignores also not only such worthies
as Abel, and Melchisedec, and Job, and Gideon, and Samson, but also Ezra, who, unlike
Daniel, played a most prominent part in the national life, and who also gave his
name to one of the books of the Canon. Let the reader decide this matter for himself
after reading the passage in which the names of Daniel and Ezra ought to appear.
[7] If any one is so mentally
constituted that the omission leads him to decide against the authenticity of these
two books, no words of mine would influence him.
(c) The historical statement with which the Book of
Daniel opens is declared to be improbable on two grounds: first, because "the
Book of Kings is silent" on the subject; and, secondly, because Jeremiah 25
appears inconsistent with it. The first point is made apparently in error, for 2
Kings 24:1 states explicitly that in Jehoiakim's days Nebuchadnezzar came up against
Jerusalem, and that the Jewish king became his vassal. [8]
And the second point is overstated. Jeremiah 25 is silent on the subject,
and that is all that can be said. Now the weight to be given to the silence of a
particular witness or document on any matter is a familiar problem in dealing with
evidence. It entirely depends on circumstances whether it counts for much, or little,
or nothing. Kings being a historical record, its silence here would count for something.
But why should a warning and a prophecy like Jeremiah 25 contain the recital of an
event of a few months before, an event which no one in Jerusalem could ever possibly
forget? [9]
But further discussion on these lines is needless, for the accuracy of Daniel's statement
can be established on grounds which the critic ignores altogether. I refer to the
chronology of the eras of the "servitude" and the "desolations."
Both are commonly confounded with the "captivity," which was only in part
concurrent with them. These several eras represented three successive judgments upon
Judah. The chronology of these is fully explained in the sequel, and a reference
to the excursus (within this work), or indeed a glance at the tables which follow,
will supply proof absolute and complete that the servitude began in the third year
of Jehoiakim, precisely as the Book of Daniel avers.
(d) I will refer under the second head of the inquiry to the
philological question here involved. It is not in any sense a historical difficulty.
(e) The reader will find this point dealt with. Canon Driver remarks: "It
may be admitted as probable that Belsharuzur held command for his father in Babylon;
…but it is difficult to think that this could entitle him to be spoken of by a contemporary
as king." If Belshazzar was regent, as the narrative indicates, it is difficult
to think that a courtier would speak of him otherwise than as king. To have done
so might have cost him his head! Daniel 5:7, 16, 29 affords corroboration here in
a manner all the more striking because it is wholly undesigned. Nebuchadnezzar had
made Daniel second ruler in the kingdom: why does Belshazzar make him third ruler?
Presumably because he himself held but the second place. To avoid this the critics,
trading upon a possible alternative rendering of the Aramaic {as given in the margin
of the Revised Version}, conjecture a "Board of three." But assuming that
the words used may mean a triumvirate in the sense of chap. 6:2, the question
whether this is their actual meaning must be settled by an appeal to history. And
history affords not the slightest hint that such a system of government prevailed
in the Babylonian Empire. A true exegesis, therefore, must decide in favor of the
alternative and more natural view, that Daniel was to rule as third, the absent king
being first, and the king-regent second.
But Belshazzar is called the son of Nebuchadnezzar. The reader will find this
objection fully answered by Dr. Pusey (Daniel, pp. 406-408). He justly remarks
that "intermarriage with the family of a conquered monarch, or with a displaced
line, is so obviously a way of strengthening the newly acquired throne, that it is
a priori probable that Nabunahit would so fortify his claim," and Professor
Driver himself allows (p. 468) that possibly the King may have married a daughter
of Nebuchadnezzar, "in which case the latter might be spoken of as Belshazzar's
father (= grandfather, by Hebrew usage)." I will only add two remarks: first,
the critics forget that even on their own view of Daniel the existence of a tradition
is prima facie proof of its truth; and, secondly, if the usurper chose to
be called the son of Nebuchadnezzar, though with no sort of claim to the title, no
one in Babylon would dare to thwart him.
(g) Here are the words of Daniel 9:2 (R.V.): "I
Daniel understood by the books the number of the years, whereof the word of the Lord
came to Jeremiah the prophet, for the accomplishing of the desolations of Jerusalem,
even seventy years." The prophecy here referred to is admittedly Jeremiah 25:11,
12. Now the word sepher, rendered "book" in Daniel 9:2, means simply
a scroll. It may denote a book, as it often does in Scripture, or merely a
letter. See ex. gr. Jeremiah 29:1 (the letter which Jeremiah
wrote to the exiles in Babylon), or Isaiah 37:14 (Sennacherib's letter to
King Hezekiah). Then, again, Jeremiah 36:1, 2 records that in the fourth year of
Jehoiakim, the very year in which the prophecy of Jeremiah 25: was given, all the
prophecies delivered up to that time were recorded in "a book." And in
Jeremiah 51:60, 61 we find that some ten years later a further "book" was
written and sent to Babylon. Where, then, is the difficulty? Professor Driver, moreover,
himself supplies a complete answer in his own criticism by adopting "the supposition
that in some cases Jeremiah's writings were in circulation for a while as single
prophecies, or small groups of prophecies" These may have been the scrolls or
"books" of Daniel 9.
But suppose, for the sake of argument, we admit that "the books" must mean
the sacred writings up to that period, what warrant is there for affirming that no
such "collection" existed in 536 B.C.? A more arbitrary assertion was never
made, even in the range of controversy. Is it not absolutely incredible that the
scrolls of the Law were not kept together? And considering Daniel's intense piety,
and the extraordinary resources and means he must have had at his disposal under
Nebuchadnezzar, may it not "safely be affirmed" that there was not another
man upon earth so likely as himself to have had copies of all the holy writings?
[10]
I now turn to the critic's second argument, which is based on the language of
the Book of Daniel. He appeals, first, to the number of Persian words it contains;
secondly, to the presence of Greek words; thirdly, to the character of the
Aramaic in which part of the book is written; and, lastly, to the character
of the Hebrew.
Underlying the argument founded on the presence of foreign words is the unexpressed
assumption that the Jews were an uncultured tribe who had lived till then in boorish
isolation. And yet four centuries before Daniel's time the wisdom and wealth of Solomon
were spoken of throughout the then known world. He was a naturalist, a botanist,
a philosopher, and a poet. And why not a linguist also? Were all his communications
with his many foreign wives carried on through interpreters? He traded with near
and distant nations, and every one knows how language is influenced by commerce.
And can we doubt that the fame of Nebuchadnezzar attracted foreigners to Babylon?
What his relations were with foreign courts we know not. Why may not Daniel have
been a Persian scholar? The position assigned to him under the Persian rule renders
this extremely probable. The number of Persian words in the book, according to Professor
Driver, is "probably at least fifteen"; and here is his comment upon them:
But it was precisely in these circumstances that the Book of Daniel was written.
The vision of chap. 10 was given five years after the Persian rule had been established,
and these visions were the basis of the book. Notes and records the writer doubtless
had of the earlier and historical portions of it; but it is a reasonable assumption
that the whole was written after the visions were accorded him.
As regards the Aramaic and the Hebrew of Daniel, I can of course express no opinion
of my own. But my position will be in no way prejudiced by my incompetency in this
respect. In the first place, there is nothing new here. The critic merely gives in
a condensed form what the Germans have urged; and the whole ground has been covered
by Dr. Pusey and others, who, having examined it with equal erudition and care, have
arrived at wholly different conclusions. But, in the second place, it is unnecessary;
for the signal fairness with which Professor Driver states the results of his argument
enables me to concede all he says in this regard and to dismiss the discussion of
it to the sequel. Here axe his words:
May I restate this in other words? The Persian terms raise a presumption that
Daniel was written after a certain date. The Hebrew strengthens this presumption,
the Aramaic is consistent with it, and the Greek words used establish the truth of
it. Problems precisely similar to this claim decision every day in our courts of
justice. The whole strength of the case depends on the last point stated. Any number
of argumentative presumptions may be rebutted; but here, it is alleged, we have proof
which. admits of no answer: the Greek words demand a date which destroys the
authenticity of Daniel.
Will the reader believe it that the only foundation on which this superstructure
rests is the allegation that two Greek words are found in the list of musical,
instruments given in the third chapter? At a, bazaar held some time ago in one of
our cathedral, towns, under the patronage of the bishop of the: diocese, the alarm
was given that a thief was at work: among the company, and two ladies present had
lost their purses. In the excitement which followed, the stolen purses, emptied of
course of their contents, were found in the bishop's pocket! The "Higher Criticism"
would have handed him over to the police! Perhaps an apology is due for this digression;
but, in sober earnestness, surely the inquiry is opportune whether these critics
understand the very rudiments of the science of weighing evidence. The presence of
the two stolen purses did not "demand" the conviction of the bishop. Neither
should the presence of two Greek words decide the fate of Daniel. [11] The question would still remain, How did they come to be
there? According to Professor Sayce, himself a hostile authority, the evidence of
the monuments has entirely refuted this argument of the critics [12] It now appears that there were Greek colonies in Palestine
as early as the days of Hezekiah, and that there was intercourse between Greece and
Canaan at a still earlier period.
But let us admit, for the sake of argument, that the words are really Greek, and
that no such words were known in Babylon in the days of the exile. Is the inference
based on their presence in the book a legitimate one? While some apologists of Daniel
have pressed unduly the hypothesis of a revision, such a hypothesis affords a most
reasonable explanation of difficulties of this particular kind. Why should we doubt
the truth of the Jewish tradition that "the men of the great synagogue wrote"
(that is, edited) the Book of Daniel? And if true, these Greek words may be
easily accounted for. If in the list of musical instruments, and in the title of
the "wise men," the editors found terms which were foreign and strange
to them, how natural for them to substitute words which would be familiar to the
Jews of Palestine. [13]
How natural, too, to spell such names as Nebuchadnezzar and Abednego in the
manner then become usual. These are precisely the sort of changes which they would
adopt; changes of no vital moment, but fitted to make the book more suitable for
those on whose behalf they were revising it.
The critic's last ground of attack is the theology of the Book of Daniel. This, he
declares, "points to a later age than that of the exile." No charge of
error is suggested, for Professor Driver is careful at the outset to repudiate
what he calls the" exaggerations" of the German rationalists and their
English imitators. But his alliance with such men warps his judgment, and betrays
him into adopting statements begotten of their mingled ignorance and malice. Let
one instance suffice. "It is remarkable also," he says, "that Daniel
— so unlike the prophets generally — should display no interest in the welfare or
prospects of his contemporaries." Not even in theological controversy could
another statement be found more flagrantly baseless and false. In the entire history
of the prophets, in the whole range of Scripture, the ninth chapter of Daniel has
no parallel for touching, earnest, passionate "interest in the welfare and prospects"
of contemporaries.
Now the question here is, not whether the doctrine of the Book be true, for that
is not disputed, but whether truth of such an advanced and definite character could
have been revealed at so early a period in the scheme of revelation. It is not easy
to fix the principles on which such a question should be discussed. And the discussion
may be avoided by raising another question, the answer to which will decide the whole
matter in dispute. We know the "orthodox view" of the Book of Daniel. What
alternative does the critic propose for our acceptance? Here he shall speak for himself,
and the two quotations following will suffice:
The first of these quotations refers to Daniel himself, the second to the supposed
author of the Book which bears his name. In the first we pass for a moment out of
the mist and cloud of mere theory and argument into the plain, clear light of fact.
"It cannot be doubted," or, in other words it is absolutely certain, that
Daniel was not only "a historical person," but "a seer"— that
is to say, a prophet. But plunging back again at once into the gloom, we go
on to conjecture the existence of another prophet in the days of Antiochus — a real
prophet, for "he utters genuine predictions" for the encouragement
of "the godly Jews in the season of their trial."
Now the position of the skeptic is in a sense unassailable. He is like the
obstinate juror who puts his back against the wall and refuses to believe the evidence.
But mark what this suggested compromise involves. As already noticed, Daniel had
no pretensions to the prophet's mantle in the sense in which Jeremiah and Ezekiel
wore it. He himself laid no claim to it (see chap. 9:10). He, moreover, passed his
life in the splendid isolation of the Court of Babylon, while they were central figures
among their people — one in the midst of the troubles in Jerusalem, the other among
the exiles. It would not be strange therefore if Daniel's name and fame had no such
place as theirs in the popular memory. But here we are asked to believe that another
prophet, raised up within historic times, whose "message of encouragement"
must have been on every man's lips throughout the noble Maccabean struggle, passed
clean out of the memory of the nation. The historian of this struggle cannot have
been removed from him by more than a single generation, yet he ignores his existence,
though he refers in the plainest terms to the Daniel of the Captivity. [14] The prophet's voice had been silent for centuries; with what
wild and passionate enthusiasm the nation would have hailed the rise of a new seer
at such a time! And when the issue of that fierce struggle set the seal of truth
upon his words, his fame would have eclipsed that of the old prophets of earlier
days. But in fact not a vestige of his fame or name survived. No writer, sacred or
secular, seems to have heard of him. No tradition of him remained. Was there ever
a figment more untenable than this?
No such compromise between faith and unbelief is; possible. From either of two alternatives
there is no escape. Either the Book of Daniel is what it claims. to be, or else it
is wholly worthless. "All must be true or all imposture." It is idle to
talk of it as; being the work of some prophet of a later epoch. It dates from Babylon
in the days of the Exile, or else it is a literary fraud, concocted after the time
of Antiochus Epiphanes. But how then could it come to be quoted in the Maccabees
— quoted, not incidentally, but in one of the most solemn and striking passages in
the entire book, the dying words of old Mattathias? And how could it come to be included
in the Canon? The critics make much of its position in the Canon: how do they
account for its having a place in it at all?
It is reasonably certain that the first two divisions of the Canon were settled by
the Great Synagogue long before the days of the Maccabees, and that its completion
was the work of the Great Sanhedrin, not later than the second century B.C. And we
are asked to suppose that this great College, composed of the most learned men of
the nation, would have accepted a literary fraud of modern date, or could have been
duped by it. This is one of the wildest and most reckless hypotheses imaginable.
Nor would this argument be sensibly weakened if the critics should insist that the
Canon may still have been open for a hundred years after the death of Antiochus.
[15] If it was thus kept
open, the fact would be a further pledge and proof that the most jealous and vigilant
care must have been unceasingly exercised. The presence of the Book of Daniel in
the Jewish Canon is a fact more weighty than all the criticisms of the critics.
Thousands there are who cling to the Book of Daniel, and yet dread to face this destructive
criticism lest faith should give way under the influence. And yet this is all it
has to urge, as formulated by one of its best exponents. Of all these hostile arguments
there is not so much as one which may not be refuted at any moment by the discovery
of further inscriptions. In presence of some newly found cylinder from the as yet
unexplored ruins of Babylon, [16]
all this theorizing about improbabilities and peddling over words might be
silenced in a day. And this being so, it is obvious to any one in whom the judicial
faculty is not wanting that the critics exaggerate the importance of their criticisms.
Even if all they urge were true and weighty, it should lead us only to suspend our
judgment. But the critics are specialists, and it is proverbial that specialists
are bad judges. And here it is possible for one who cannot pose as a theologian or
a scholar to meet them on more than equal terms. With them it is enough that evidence
of a certain kind points in one direction. But they in whom the judicial faculty
is developed will pause and ask, "What is to be said upon the other side?"
and "Will the proposed decision harmonize with all the facts?" Questions
of this kind, however, have no existence for the critics. If they ever presented
themselves to Professor Driver's mind, it is to be regretted that he failed to take
account of them when stating the general results of his inquiry. And if ignored by
an author so willing to reach the truth, they need not be looked for in the writings
of the skeptics and apostates.
I have hitherto been dealing with presumptions and inferences and arguments. To deny
that these have weight would be both dishonest and futile. It may be conceded that
if the Book of Daniel had been brought to light within the Christian era, they would
suffice to bar its admission to the Canon. But to the Christian the Book is accredited
by the Lord Jesus Christ Himself; and in presence of this one fact the force of these
criticisms is dispelled like mist before the sun. The very prediction which the rationalists
most cavil at, He has adopted in that discourse which is the key to all unfulfilled
prophecy (Matthew 24); and if Daniel be proved a fraud, He whom we own as Lord is
discredited thereby.
Such an argument as this the rationalists of the German school despise. And with
them the mention of Daniel in the Book of Ezekiel counts for nothing, though according
to their own canons it ought to outweigh much of the negative evidence they adduce.
Daniel is not mentioned by other prophets; therefore, they argue, Daniel is a myth.
Three times the prophecies of Ezekiel speak of him; therefore, they infer, some other
Daniel is intended. Their argument is based on the silence of the sacred and other
books of the Jews. A man so eminent as the Daniel of the exile would not, they urge,
have been thus ignored. And yet they conjecture the career of another Daniel of equal,
or even greater eminence, whose very existence has been forgotten! It is not easy
to deal with such casuists. But there is one argument, at least, which they cannot
rob us of.
They have got rid of the second chapter and the seventh, and the closing vision of
the Book, but the great central prophecy of the Seventy Weeks remains; and this affords
proof of the Divine authority of Daniel, which cannot be destroyed. Let them fix
the date of the Book where they will, they fail to account for this. From one definitely
recorded historical event — the edict to rebuild Jerusalem, to another definitely
recorded historical event — the public manifestation of the Messiah, the length of
the intervening period was predicted; and with accuracy absolute and to the very
day the prediction has been fulfilled.
To elucidate that prophecy this volume has been written, and as the result constitutes
my personal contribution to the controversy, I may be pardoned for explaining the
steps by which it has been reached. The vision refers to 70 sevens of years, but
I deal here only with the 69 "weeks" of the twenty-fifth verse. Here are
the words:
Now it is an undisputed fact that Jerusalem was rebuilt by Nehemiah, under an
edict issued by Arta-xerxes (Longimanus), in the twentieth year of his reign. Therefore,
notwithstanding the doubts which controversy throws upon everything, the conclusion
is obvious and irresistible that this was the epoch of the prophetic period. But
the month date was Nisan, and the sacred year of the Jews began with the phases of
the Paschal moon. I appealed, therefore, to the Astronomer Royal, the late Sir George
Airy, to calculate for me the moon's place for March in the year in question, and
I thus ascertained the date required— March 14th, B.C. 445.
This being settled, one question only remained, Of what kind of year does the era
consist? And the answer to this is definite and clear. That it is the ancient year
of 360 days is plainly proved in two ways. First, because, according to Daniel and
the Apocalypse, 31/2 prophetic years are equal to 1, 260 days; and, secondly, because
it can be proved that the 70 years of the "Desolations" were of this character;
and the connection between the period of the "Desolations" and the era
of the "weeks" is one of the few universally admitted facts in this controversy.
The "Desolations" began on the 10th Tebeth, B.C. 589 (a day which for four-and-twenty
centuries has been commemorated by the Jews as a fast), and ended on the 24th Chisleu,
B.C. 520.
Having thus settled the terminus a quo of the "weeks," and the form
of year of which they are composed, nothing remains but to calculate the duration
of the era. Its terminus ad quem can thus with certainty be ascertained. Now
483 years (69 x 7) of 360 days contain 173, 880 days. And a period of 173, 880 days,
beginning March 14th, B.C. 445, ended upon that Sunday in the week of the crucifixion,
when, for the first and only time in His ministry, the Lord Jesus Christ, in fulfillment
of Zechariah's prophecy, made a public entry into Jerusalem, and caused His Messiahship
to be openly proclaimed by "the whole multitude of the disciples." (Luke
19)
I need not discuss the matter further here. In the following chapters every incidental
question involved is fully dealt with, and every objection answered. [18] Suffice it to repeat that in presence of the facts and figures
thus detailed no mere negation of belief is possible. These must be accounted for
in some way. "There is a point beyond which unbelief is impossible, and the
mind, in refusing truth, must take refuge in a misbelief which is sheer credulity."
---------------------------------------------------------------
It was not till after the preceding pages were in print that Archdeacon Farrar's
Daniel reached my hands. Some apology is due, perhaps, to Professor Driver
for bracketing such a work with his, but The Expositor's Bible will be read
by many to whom The Introduction is an unknown book. Both writers agree in
impugning the authenticity of the Book of Daniel; but their relative positions are
widely different, and no less so are their arguments and methods. The Christian scholar
writes for scholars, desirous only to elucidate the truth. The popular theologian
retails the extravagances of German skepticism for the enlightenment of an easily
deluded public. As we turn from the one book to the other, we are reminded of the
difference between a criminal trial when in charge of a responsible law officer of
the Crown, and when promoted by a vindictive private prosecutor. In the one case
the lawyer's aim is solely to assist the Court in arriving at a just verdict, In
the other, we may be prepared for statements which are reckless, if not unscrupulous.
And here we must distinguish between the Higher Criticism as legitimately used by
Christian scholars in the interests of truth, and the rationalistic movement which
bears that name. If that movement leads to unbelief, it is in obedience to the law
that like begets like. It is itself the offspring of skepticism. Its reputed founder
set out with the deliberate design of eliminating God from the Bible. From the skeptic's
point of view Eichhorn's theories were inadequate, and De Wette and others have improved
upon them. But their aim and object are the same. The Bible must be accounted for,
and Christianity explained, on natural principles. The miracles therefore had to
be got rid of, and prophecy is the greatest miracle of all. In the case of most of
the Messianic Scriptures the skepticism which had settled like a night mist upon
Germany made the task an easy one; but Daniel was a difficulty. Such passages as
the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah could be jauntily disposed of, but the infidel
could make nothing of these visions of Daniel. The Book stands out as a witness for
God, and by fair means or foul it must be silenced. And one method only of accomplishing
this is possible. The conspirators set themselves to prove that it was written after
the events it purports to predict. The evidence they have scraped together is of
a kind which would not avail to convict a known thief of petty larceny — much of
it indeed has already been discarded; but any sort of evidence will suffice with
a prejudiced tribunal, and from the very first the Book of Daniel was doomed.
Dr. Farrar's book reproduces every shred of this evidence in its baldest and crudest
form. His original contributions to the controversy are limited to the rhetoric which
conceals the weakness of fallacious arguments, and the dogmatism with which he sometimes
disposes of results accredited by the judgment of authorities of the highest eminence.
Two typical instances will suffice. The first relates to a question of pure scholarship.
Referring to the fifth chapter of Daniel he writes:
"Entirely untenable!" In view of the decision of the Old Testament Company
of the Revisers on this point, the statement denotes extraordinary carelessness or
intolerable arrogance. And I have authority for stating that the Revisers gave the
question full consideration, and that it was only at the last revision that the alternative
rendering, "rule as one of three," was admitted into the margin. On no
occasion was it contemplated to accept it in the text. [19]
The right rendering of ch. 5:29 is admittedly "the third ruler"
in the kingdom; but the authorities differ as to verses 7 and 16. Professor Driver
tells me that, in his opinion, the absolutely literal rendering there is "rule
as a third part in the kingdom," or, slightly paraphrasing the words, "rule
as one of three" (as in R.V. margin). Professor Kirkpatrick, of Cambridge,
has been good enough to refer me to Kautzsch's Die Heilige schrift des alten Testaments,
as representing the latest and best German scholarship, and his rendering of verse
7 is "third ruler in the kingdom," with the note, "i.e., either
as one of three over the whole kingdom (compare 6:3), or as third by the side of
the king and the king's mother." And the Chief Rabbi (whose courtesy to me here
I wish to acknowledge) writes:
It is perfectly clear, therefore, that Dr. Farrar's statement is utterly unjustifiable.
Is it to be attributed to want of scholarship, or to want of candor?
Again, referring to the prophet's third vision, Archdeacon Farrar writes:
It is not easy to deal with such a statement with even conventional respect. No
honest man will deny that, whether the ninth chapter of Daniel be a prophecy or a
fraud, the blessings specified in the twenty-fourth verse are Messianic. Here all
Christian expositors are agreed. And though the views of some of them are marked
by startling eccentricities even the wildest of them will contrast favorably with
Kuenen's exegesis, which, in all its crude absurdity, Archdeacon Farrar adopts. [20]
Professor Driver's opinions are entitled to the greatest weight within the
sphere in which he is so high an authority. [21]
But I have ventured to suggest that his eminence as a scholar lends undue
weight to his dicta on the general topics involved, and that he shares in
the proverbial disability of experts in dealing with a mass of apparently conflicting
evidence. The tone and manner in which his inquiry is conducted shows a readiness
to reconsider his position in the light of any new discoveries hereafter. In contrast
with this there are no reserves in Dr. Farrar's denunciations. For him retreat is
impossible, no matter what the future may disclose. But to review his book is not
my purpose. The only serious counts in the indictment of Daniel have been already
noticed. His treatise, however, raises a general question of transcendent importance,
and to this I desire in conclusion to refer.
With him the Book of Daniel is the merest fiction, differing from other fiction of
the same kind by reason of the multiplicity of its inaccuracies and errors. Its history
is but idle legend. Its miracles are but baseless fables. It is, in every part of
it, a work of the imagination. "Avowed fiction" (p. 43), he calls
it, for it is so obviously a romance that the charge of fraud is due solely to the
stupidity of the Christian Church in mistaking the aim and purpose of "the holy
and gifted Jew" (p. 119) who wrote it.
Such are the results of his criticisms. What action shall we take upon them? Shall
we not sadly, but with deliberate purpose, tear the Book of Daniel from its place
in the Sacred Canon? By no means.
"These results," Dr. Farrar exclaims, "are in no way derogatory to
the preciousness of this Old Testament Apocalypse. No words of mine can exaggerate
the value which I attach to this part of our Canonical Scriptures.. .. Its right
to a place in the Canon is undisputed and indisputable, and there is scarcely a single
book of the Old Testament which can be made more richly profitable for teaching,
for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness, that the man of God
may be complete, completely furnished unto every good work" (p. 4).
This is not an isolated statement such as charity might attribute to thoughtlessness.
Like words are used again and again in praise of the book [22] Daniel is nothing more than a religious novel, and yet "there
is scarcely a single book of the Old Testament" of greater worth!
The question here is not the authenticity of Daniel but the character and value of
the Holy Scriptures. Christian scholars whose researches lead them to reject any
portion of the Canon are wont to urge that, in doing so, they increase the authority,
and enhance the value, of the rest. But the Archdeacon of Westminster, in impugning
the Book of Daniel, takes occasion to degrade and throw contempt upon the Bible as
a whole.
Bishop Westcott declares that no writing in the Old Testament had so great a share
in the development of Christianity as the Book of Daniel. [23] Or, to quote a hostile witness, Professor Bevan writes:
Just as mist and storm may hide the solid rock from sight, so this truth may be
obscured by casuistry and rhetoric; but when these have spent themselves it stands
out plain and clear. In all this controversy one result of the rejection of the Book
of Daniel is entirely overlooked or studiously concealed. If "the Apocalypse
of the Old Testament" be banished from the Canon, the Apocalypse of the New
Testament must share in its exclusion. The visions of St. John are so inseparably
interwoven with the visions of the great prophet of the exile, that they stand or
fall together. This result the critic is entitled to disregard. But the homilist
may by no means ignore it. And it brings into prominence the fact so habitually forgotten,
that the Higher Criticism claims a position which can by no means be accorded to
it. Its true place is not on the judgment seat, but in the witness chair. The Christian
theologian must take account of much which criticism cannot notice without entirely
abandoning its legitimate sphere and function.
No one falls back upon this position more freely when it suits his purpose, than
Archdeacon Farrar. He evades the testimony of the twenty-fourth chapter of St. Matthew
by refusing to believe that our Lord ever spoke the words attributed to Him. But
this undermines Christianity; for, I repeat, Christianity rests upon the Incarnation,
and if the Gospels be not inspired, the Incarnation is a myth. What is his answer
to this? I quote his words:
This deserves the closest attention, not merely because of its bearing on the question at issue, but as a fair specimen of the writer's reasoning in this extraordinary contribution to our theological literature. Here is the Christian argument:
On what then do we base our belief of the great central fact of the Christian system? Here the dilemma is inexorable: to disparage the Gospels, as this writer does, is to admit that the foundation of our faith is but a Galilaean legend. By no means, Dr. Farrar tells us; we have not only "personal verification, and the Inward Witness of the Spirit, but we have also myriads of external and independent witnesses." No Christian will ignore the Witness of the Spirit. But the question here, remember, is one of fact. The whole Christian system depends upon the truth of the last verse of the first chapter of St. Matthew — I will not quote it. How then can the Holy Spirit impart to me the knowledge of the fact there stated, save by the written Word? I believe the fact because I accept the record as God-breathed Scripture, an authoritative revelation from heaven. But to talk of personal verification, or to appeal to some transcendental instinct, or to tens of thousands of external witnesses, is to divorce words from thoughts, and to pass out of the sphere of intelligent statement and common sense. [26]
.
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTORY on page 1
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CHAPTERS 2-3 on page 2
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CHAPTERS 4-6 on page 3
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CHAPTERS 7-9 on page 4
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CHAPTERS 10-12 on page 5
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CHAPTERS 13-15 on page 6
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PREFACES on page 7 (this page)
APPENDICES on page 8
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For more about the author, read:
Sir
Robert Anderson and the Seventy Weeks of Daniel ---New Window
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